Workplace and Unions

Organizing online workers through a new consumer movement

Last weekend's blog post on the eBay sellers boycott generated some very interesting comments, and I want to follow up with some more thoughts on organizing online workers.

As background, I've been arguing for a few months now that labor unions should do more to organize online workers. The argument goes that folks whose primary income is derived from activities as diverse as blogging, eBay auctioneering, Second Life merchandising, and so forth, compose a new industry segment which is already quite large and will grow in the future. Furthermore, despite the fact that these individuals are hard to organize due to the nature of online work, their livelihood is essentially at the mercy of a small group of executives at web companies like eBay and Linden Labs. Therefore, they comprise a group who have important collective needs, and who would benefit tremendously from workplace organizing.

While I still think most of this argument holds up, I'm less and less certain that a traditional labor union is the best vehicle for organizing online workers, for a variety of reasons. The primary reason is that online workers are not actually employees of the companies whose services they are working with; they are consumers of those services. Thus, the eBay sellers "strike" is not a strike at all, but a boycott. The more I think about this round peg/square hole problem, the more I believe that the solution is to just build a round hole. In other words, alongside a thriving labor movement, we need a powerful and well-organized consumer movement. Follow me across the flip for more, and tune in tomorrow for some practical follow-up.

 

The problem of organizing online workers is, in a sense, just a special case of the problem of organizing consumers generally. Consumers are notoriously hard to organize, since in many cases, they don't know one another. Whereas workers at a factory or an office see each other every day and have multiple chances to get to know one another, consumers of a single business generally don't, and indeed, many prefer it that way. Consequently, the consumer movement tends to be far less organized than the labor movement. Consumer groups tend to form in an ad hoc way around a specific issue, make some noise about that issue, and perhaps win a couple of victories before flaming out. While occasionally consumer groups become institutionalized, even regularly lobbying government around a key set of pet wonky issues and scoring a few important victories, they rarely make much noise on the electoral scene or gather significant and long-lasting commitments from their "base", as labor unions regularly do.

In fact, the differences in organizational power between the labor and consumer movements can be traced back to the legal rights afforded the one but not the other. Whereas workers have the right, under the National Labor Relations Act, to organize and force their employer to negotiate a contract with them collectively, consumers have no legal right to force the businesses they patronize to bargain with them collectively.

Nevertheless, consumer culture is becoming an increasingly important part of daily life. The extreme form of this trend, perhaps, is found among online workers, who derive their livelihood by consuming online services. But there are no shortage of consumers who, while they don't make a living as consumers, nevertheless derive a substantial part of their identity from being Starbucks snobs, Harley drivers, and everything in between. Dozens of books have been written about consumer culture and brand identity, including Juliet Schor's The Overspent American and Naomi Klein's No Logo.

I think the growing prominence of the Internet in daily life, and particularly the dominance of a few huge brands, like Google, Facebook and eBay, in many peoples' online experience, calls for the development of a more active and energized consumer movement. The Internet has created a long tail of consuming relationships into our lives. In a single day, I could conceivably spend a great deal of my online time at Google, Yahoo, and Bloglines, a moderate amount of time on Facebook, much less time at Powells, and an infinitesimal amount of time at places like the local coffee shop's website. As we add up the patterns over time and across a wide swath of web users, we end up with what's bound to be a very, very long tail of online consuming relationships. From the individual's point of view, we end up creating more accounts, and checking off more license agreements, than we can possibly remember.

More than that, the Internet gives us tools to organize ourselves as consumers in ways which were unimaginable a few years ago. These tools run the gamut from the consumer's blog, which allows consumers of a single brand to find each other, and to the corporate MySpace or Facebook page, which allows consumers to talk back, publicly, to the company whose products they rely on. Conceivably, we could even include the tools of open source software development in this list - after all, these tools allow software consumers to fight back against the policies of closed-source corporate software developers by directly competing with them.

On the whole, what we have are the ingredients for a more energetic and systematic consumer movement. I think we now have an historic opportunity for consumers to band together in order to sway corporate policy on a regular basis. Indeed, events like the eBay sellers boycott and the Facebook Mini-Feed and Beacon revolts could be seen as the early harbingers of a new consumers movement, or as a natural continuation of the open source revolt of the 1990's.

This kind of consumer movement will require the creation and development of a series of well-organized consumer membership associations, capable of representing consumers of companies ranging from Nike to eBay. Such associations would make it their business to maintain a regularly-updated list of consumers of a given brand or product; to build community amongst their members; to notify their members of corporate policy changes; to organize boycotts, to informally negotiate with cooperative corporate executives, and so forth. The funds for these associations would probably be derived from dues, meaning both that the associations would have to produce some kind of tangible benefit for their members, and also that these associations would necessarily represent only the most enthusiastic consumers of a given brand or product.

I think the development of this kind of consumer movement would be extremely beneficial to the labor movement, in the long run. On the one hand, the labor movement could provide organizers and others with experience when the time to boycott or take other actions comes along. On the other, the consumer movement can assist the labor movement in applying pressure to companies with bad labor practices. In fact, in some cases the consumer movement can do one better than that. Since some consumer groups (like a hypothetical eBay Sellers Association) will necessarily include businesses in their membership, those groups can make union-neutral corporate policy a prerequisite of membership, and thereby pave the way for more organizing victories. Of course, this kind of relationship is bound to have moments of tension - for example, in cases where consumers don't sympathize with striking workers, and don't choose to respect picket lines.

While I don't think it makes sense for labor unions to be actively involved in creating consumer membership associations from whole cloth - it's just too far afield of their core mission - I think it's absolutely incumbent on the progressive movement as a whole to be involved in germinating and nurturing an active consumer movement which acts in solidarity with the labor movement. Such an alliance, if properly organized and engaged, could be a powerful counter-balance against the creeping encroachment of corporate policy in our daily lives.

I'm not, incidentally, totally sure of the legal merit behind these ideas, and I'd welcome feedback from legal experts who know a bit more about things like anti-trust law and interstate commerce regulations. More than that, I'd be interested to hear what other folks think about the idea of organizing consumers into institutionalized membership groups capable of building community and lobbying corporate executives when necessary. What do you think?

Total time spend: 01:40:43

eBay sellers to strike

Last summer, I wrote that the labor movement should begin organizing online workers. It appears that a group of eBay sellers are about to start striking, without any help from labor unions. At issue is the sudden imposition of policies by eBay which sellers deem harmful to their business. The policies will be imposed starting Feb. 20, and the strike will go from Feb. 18 - 25.


There are a couple of issues at play. One is that fees will increase by as much as 66% for some sellers. Another, apparently far more explosive, issue, is that eBay will soon turn off negative and neutral comments, requiring sellers to go through eBay's Security & Resolution Center to report bad behavior. This move will almost certainly tie up sellers in needless bureaucracy, in place of today's simple system for resolving disputes. CNN and Mashable have more.

While eBay boycotts aren't new, this one appears to be much larger than previous ones, and sellers appear to be genuinely furious. The boycott is related to the resignation of eBay CEO Meg Whitman, expected in March 2008. (Whitman, incidentally, seems to be a staunch Republican; she was on Romney's campaign and has been considered a cereandidate for CA-Gov in 2010.) Her replacement, John Donahue, initiated the new fee structure and policies earlier this year.

So far eBay doesn't appear worried about the strike, and it's hard to tell whether the company will budge an inch in light of the boycott campaign. More upsetting is the fact that - as far as I can tell by browing around labor blogs - labor unions seem to be entirely unaware of this grassroots strike. That's a real shame, because this could be an opening into a segment of the economy which is not heavily unionized.

There are a variety of interesting challenges in this strike. First, what is the standing of eBay sellers to organize a strike? What legal reforms or litigational victories would be necessary for the striking sellers to force recognition and collective bargaining? Moreover, given that the sellers are, for the most part, individuals working independently, how can they be reached and organized effectively?

I'd like to see the labor movement take a crack at some of these challenges, because I think they are the key to organizing a new class of workers which is only going to get larger and the economy becomes increasingly digitized. These are not easy questions to answer, by a long shot, but I think there is a group of workers who are yearning to organize and be recognized, and I think the labor movement should stand in solidarity with them.

Total time spend: 01:57:47

ShameOnElaine launched today

Today American Rights at Work launched Shame On Elaine, a microsite which criticizes Secretary of Labor Elaine Chao's lackluster enforcement of US labor law. I provided a bit of advice and critique on the site, and I think ARAW has done a tremendous job with it. Go check it out!

Looks like the WGA stike might be over

Via CNN, it looks like the writer's strike may soon be over, with WGA leaders voting to recommend the contract negotiated last week with the AMTPA. In addition to support from the leadership, it appears that members who attended meetings in LA and New York yesterday generally approved the contract.

This contract includes provisions for royalties on Internet media, which was the major sticking point from day one. Unfortunately, contract clauses which would have allowed WGA to represent animation and reality TV workers were dropped. WGA will pursue these workers, but without guaranteed neutrality on the part of studios.

I don't have nearly enough knowledge of the industry to say whether the deal is a good one or a bad one, although it strikes me as very significant that the writers have won an agreement in principle to royalties for Internet distribution. That should lay the groundwork for the union to share in the prosperity of new media distribution. Moreover, I think the strike has been a very visible reminder to America's workers. First and most generally, that workers have power and that when they stick together, they can win. More specifically, that professional workers belong in unions and that union representation is highly relevant to them. There are, I hope, millions of professional writers, artists, designers, and software developers taking a look at what the WGA has accomplished, and the degree to which it has reshaped its industry, and thinking, "hey, I can do that."

Congratulations to the writers on a hard-fought victory!

Total time spend: 00:10:27

Labor and religion news roundup

There's been a lot of interesting news in the world of labor and in religion and politics lately. In case you're paying no attention at all to the Super Bowl tonight, some of this might prove interesting:

  • The New York Times reports that the writers' strike may be nearing its end. The writers conceded their desire to represent animation and reality TV workers, but appear to have won concessions on royalties for content distributed on the Internet. The agreement now goes to the guild's governing boards, and then to the writers themselves.
  • Last week was the celebration of the New Baptist Covenant, a group convened by Pres. Carter and composed of about 30 different Baptist denominations. The meeting's theme was unity, especially along racial and ethnic lines, and it appears that the meeting did indeed include a diverse cross-section of Baptists. While the group is expressly apolitical, it focuses on themes of social justice and peace, a notable divergence from the Southern Baptist Convention's focus on a conservative orthodoxy revolving mostly around sexuality. The SBC did not formally participate in the meeting, although individual SBC members were free to attend.
  • Pastor Dan notes that the SBC is losing membership and is having trouble attracting younger folks, putting to rest the notion that only liberal denominations have those kinds of problems. Membership appears to be slipping away towards Pentecostal churches and non-denominational churches. (Full disclosure: my wife is a once-a-week front pager at Street Prophets.)
  • Via Zack Exley, the Barna Group this week reported the results of a poll which show that born again voters no longer favor Republicans. This is a group which voted for Bush over Gore by a 57-42 margin, and for Bush over Kerry by a 62-38 margin. They now favor a generic Democrat over a generic Republican by a 40-29 margin. On the other hand, evangelical voters would vote for a generic Republican over a generic Democrat by a 45-11 margin, with 40% undecided. Evangelicals remain extremely conservative, with 72% self-identifying as conservative, 24% identifying as moderate, and 2% identifying as liberal.

Well, it's mostly religion news, but I thought the writers' strike news was pretty interesting too. So, is there anything interesting on TV tonight?

Total time spend: 00:24:05

Union activists fight Facebook repression; what's next for unions on Facebook?


A few weeks ago I took a look at examples of unions using Facebook, partially inspired by Change to Win's Smack the CEO Facebook application. Over the last few days, a mini-revolt of sorts has rolled through the Facebook labor activist community, and I've got good news: our side won!

The story begins with Derek Blackadder, a Canadian labor activist. Blackadder tried using Facebook to organize a group of workers as his friend, and ran up against Facebook's friend limits. Despite Derek's best efforts to stay within the bounds of Facebook's rules, he was eventually and summarily banned from the social network. John Wood, an activist in London, sprang to Blackadder's defense, posting to his blog about the story and eventually starting a Facebook group to petition for reinstatement. Eric Lee, who helps run LabourStart, sent an email to LabourStart readers encouraing them to join the group and email Facebook administrators.

The response was quick and effective. Within eight hours of Lee's email, over 2,400 Facebook users signed up for the group (membership now stands at 2,683). Within a day, Blackadder had been reinstated.

This brouhaha, happily resolved, comes right in the middle of a debate within the labor community about the value of using Facebook. Indeed, Lee previously wrote a critical post about the use of Facebook, Bandwagons and Buzzwords: Facebook and the Unions. Lee's post was largely structured around the limitations of Facebook groups, which were at the time the most obvious way of organizing campaigns on Facebook. Wood responded in kind, sort-of defending Facebook. Wood's point is that while Facebook has its limitations, unions can still reach a lot of people there, and that we're still in the early days of figuring out precisely how to do that.

In light of this most recent campaign to support Derek Blackadder, I think it's clear that at least some good can be accomplished on Facebook. I also think both Lee's and Wood's posts appear a bit dated. Now that Facebook has allowed organizations to create pages, to ease up on the limitations of emailing more than 1,000 people at a time, and has begun to allow its applications and platform to talk to one another, we will soon see that many of Lee's original frustrations with Facebook are not as relevant as they once were. Clearly, it's true that Lee is correct in arguing that using a third-party system primarily enriches the owner of that platform, but that doesn't mean that the use of the platform can't help unions at all.

More than that, I think labor activists need to think more broadly about how to use Facebook. I'm not sure why this is, but it seems to me that most labor organizers think of Facebook as a way to gather support for a political campaign. Both Lee and Wood draw examples from the world of political organizing, not labor organizing proper, in making their arguments. Few activists seem to recognize the potential for Facebook and other social networks to help organize workers, in other words, to do the heavy lifting of union organizing online.

To me it seems that social networking broadly, if not Facebook in particular, is a technology ideally suited to union organizing. It's a space largely removed from the control of the employer (unless your employer is Facebook or Microsoft, I suppose.) It's a viral medium which taps into pre-existing social connections, many of which are work-related. And it gives users a wide variety of mechanisms to express their thoughts about life, thereby giving them a chance to vent about work-related issues. Finally, Facebook is famously dominated by young folks, and, as we saw in the BLS numbers released on Friday, just under 5% of workers 16-to-24 are unionized.

Clearly, there is room for the labor movement to grow on social networks, and not just on Facebook. (In fact, with danah boyd claiming that there's a class divide between Facebook and MySpace users, perhaps especially not just on Facebook.) We are a far way from figuring out how to do that, but I have some thoughts, some of which I've outlined in my earlier series on using the Internet to strengthen the labor movement.

These days I think that the labor movement will need a many-tiered sructure of web sites and social network outreach mechanisms to effectively organize workers online. Each tier draws prospective members more deeply into the movement: the first tier is for members who are mildly supportive of the labor movement generally, the next tier is for members who are irritated with their workplace and vaguely interested in unionizing it, the next tier for members who are keenly interested in starting an organizing drive, and the final tier for workers whose workplace is under an active organizing or contracting campaign. Naturally, different kinds of mechanisms would be suitable for each tier. A simple site like Younionize might suffice for the first tier, while a much more sophisticated, action-driven microsite might be most appropriate for the last tier. Of course, the details have yet to be fine-tuned, but I think this basic structure adequately fits both the way in which many people interact with the labor movement, and the way many people use the web.

I'd love to hear more thoughts on how unions can use the web, social networking, or Facebook in particular, to organize workers. I think these are important tools which are thoroughly under-utilized, and I think their proper use could help continue the union movement's slow but hopefully steady expansion.

Total time spend: 01:04:13

Union movement grows

Yesterday, the Bureau of Labor Statistics released its annual survey of union membership in the US, and found that union density as a percentage of the overall workforce grew, to 12.1%.  This growth is nothing short of stunning.  Union membership as a percentage of the workforce has been in decline for every year since the BLS began collecting data, except two - this year, and 2005, when membership held steady.  The last few years worth of numbers are as follows:

 2007 12.1%
2006 12.0%
2005 12.5%
2004 12.5%

 The surey is based on a sample of 60,000 households.  The survey's technical note warns that "union membership data for 2007 are not strictly comparable with data for 2006 and earlier years because of the introduction of updated population controls with the release of January data."  However, it appears that these same adjustments didn't do much to change other workforce numbers, like the unemployment rate.

Reaction among labor bloggers has varied.  The AFL-CIO was mildly pleased to hear the news.  At Working Life, Josh Pile was utterly shocked, and certain that the rise must have been a statistical fluke.  American Rights at Work warned labor activists not to be compacent in spite of the numbers - union-busting is still a huge problem.  (Full disclosure: I'm providing ARAW with a bit of advice on an upcoming project.)

I'm quite happy to hear the news.  When the January 2006 numbers showed that union membership held steady between 2004 and 2005, I was certain that we were on the cusp of turning around the decline of the labor movement.  The January 2007 numbers, showing a dip of 0.5% between 2005 and 2006, were naturally a big disappointment.  Now that the numbers are ticking upward, I think there's a renewed hope that even under the most anti-worker administration in decades, we can still reverse the tide.  We're still a long way from returning to the level of union membership we had when BLS first started collecting data - around 20% - but this is a step in the right direction.

Moreover, some of the internal numbers are very interesting.  Membership among 16-to-24-year-olds rose from 4.4% in 2006 to 4.8% in 2007.  Union wages also rose by an average of $30 per week (from $833 in 2006 to $863 in 2007), compared to a $21 weekly bump for non-union workers.  Private sector union membership ticked up from 7.4% to 7.5%, while public sector union membership fell slightly, from 36.2% to 35.9% (within this category, the sharpest fall was in federal union membership, which fell from 28.4% to 26.4%).  In Colorado, a state whose legislature has taken a sharply pro-union turn since the 2006 election, union membership rose from 7.7% to 8.7%.  Membership was down in some swing states (-0.1% and -0.2% in Ohio and Missouri respectively) and up in others (+0.7% in Florida).

At the end of the day, these numbers serve as a reflection on the last year, but shouldn't cause us to be at all complacent about the fate of the labor movement.  As ARAW points out, union-busting and lax enforcement of labor law are still a problem.  Workers still face enormous obstacles in forming unions and taking control of their working conditions.  We still need innovative strategies for addressing these issues and reinvigorating the labor movement.

Total time spend: 00:52:53

Industry blog making an impact on WGA strike

This is a quick "I told you so" hit. The NYT reports today that Nikki Finke's Deadline Hollywood Daily blog is having a huge impact on the WGA strike. This reminds me of a post I wrote back in April, arguing that progressives should create a network of industry blogs in order to sway "public opinion" within a given industry. At the time, I wrote that such blogs could help sway industry insiders on internal debates which have political overtones, like the open source vs. proprietary debate within the computer software industry. I also wrote about the need to start progressive workplace blogs, and even suggested that unions could start a fleet of such blogs as a way to identify workplaces where they might find a lot of support. (I since incorporated that idea into a series on using the internet to strengthen labor unions.)

Well, the upshot is that these posts turned out to be descriptive rather than prescriptive. Industry insiders and workers are already creating industry and workplace blogs, and those blogs are already having an impact on labor disputes and internal industry debates. Welcome to 2003. Now, it's time for the progressive movement and labor movement to wise up to these online developments and begin harnessing them for progressive cultural change within the workforce.

Incidentally, unrelated to all of the above, I've recently started using Google Docs to write my blog posts. The resulting HTML is a bit clunky when I copy into MyDD, and I can't figure out how to tag my posts, but otherwise, I'm loving it. Thanks to my former DL co-host Baratunde Thurston (who himself swiped it from Todd Plants, who in an odd twist was a college roommate of mine) for the idea.

Update: And just like that, Devilstower at DailyKos starts blogging about the alternative auto industry. Gosh I love the blogosphere.

The writers strike, The Office, and white-collar unionism

I wanted to write something clever and brilliant about the WGA writers' strike, but I see Nathan Newman already beat me to the punch. Newman's take is that the writers' strike showcases perfectly how unions make sense for professionals. In our economy, technological innovation radically reinvents the work of professional workers at a blinding clip. For the writers, the introduction of home video in the 80's was followed quickly by DVD's in the late 90's, and Internet video delivery in the last few years. This video explains perfectly what all these technologies mean for the writers:


With this kind of technological backdrop, effective legislation that guarantees fair rights for workers and enables industry growth is nearly impossible to craft. The government simply doesn't move quickly enough, and technological change is accelerating, meaning the problem will only get worse. Union contracts serve as a kind of second tier of law, allowing workers and management to creatively restructure the industry. When workers and management work together creatively, they can determine the appropriate rights and compensation for workers while keeping up with the pace of technological change and maintaining their companies' competitive edge. Union contracts are typically renegotiated every couple of years, whereas the government rewrites things like intellectual property law very rarely. As a result, as Newman puts it, "contracts look quite different in the construction industry compared to the auto industry compared to Hollywood compared to baseball", as they should.

I think it's particularly interesting that one of the first shows to be affected by the strike, The Office, serves as a giant exclamation point on this argument. Anyone who's seen the show knows that it is a constant reminder of exactly the reason for professional unionism. Corporate policies are frequently bone-headed, and corporate management all too frequently promotes the wrong person into the wrong job. On top of that, many offices are fraught with many tiny instances of worker abuse which by themseles aren't enough to inspire any kind of drastic action like quitting; but taken together, these thousands of paper cuts create an abusive or simply unpleasant environment which could be made considerably more pleasant with a formal grievance system, like that provided by a union and a responsive shop steward. If you've ever worked in an office, it's easy enough for you to watch the show and sympathize with this basic point. But if you're an office manager or corporate supervisor, you should pay even closer attention. After all, the lack of union representation costs the fictional Dunder Mifflin Scranton branch dearly: sales are lost, good salespeople quit, and precious time is wasted routinely, all becaue the fictional office workers don't have any way in which to protest their condition without fear of being fired. As if the point is too subtle as is, the show examined the boneheadedness of coporate union-busting quite explicitly in a recent episode.

I'm also struck, as Digby is, by the solidarity between professionals and blue-collar workers in California. If just compensation and sane working conditions are the meat of a union contract, this kind of class-crossing solidarity is the potatoes and gravy. White-collar and blue-collar unionism are natural complements, since white-collar and blue-collar workers often work side-by-side (in the case of Hollywood, there are several tiers: union actors from SAG, union writers from WGA, and union electricians form IATSE.) The ability to work together with people of a different class background is a rare but important benefit in an increasingly segregated country, and outside of the labor movement, there are very few places which offer that kind of opportunity. More than the intangible benefit of solidarity, though, white- and blue-collar unions can be powerful economic allies: one group of workers can help the other in contract and organizing disputes, by refusing to cross picket lines, slowing-down work, boycotts, and similar means. There's no reason that white- and blue-collar workers should struggle separately under the weight of corporate greed; joint organizing can alleviate economic stress for both groups.

If you'd like to support the writers, visit United Hollywood to keep track of the strike and find out how you can help. Let's all hope the writers succeed in getting their fair share of residuals, from DVD rentals, Internet downloads, and so-called "promos". Let's also hope that the WGA strike serves as a call to professionals in many different industries to seriously consider the benefits of union representation.

Labor links roundup

I've got some great new labor links to share with you this week! Check 'em out, and if there's something you don't see here, add it in the comments...

  • A huge victory in New York: 28,000 child care workers joined the United Federation of Teachers, with help from both ACORN and Gov. Eliot Spitzer. This is great news, both for the workers and the children they care for, as standards of care for children, and quality of life for the workers, will both rise, and the city as a whole will benefit.
  • American Rights at Work recently re-launched its website; they are now using the open source Joomla content management system. I know this is a very geeky thing to get excited about, but I'm lovin' their new RSS feed - it's the kind of thing that makes a blogger's day. Check out the new site and, while you're there, flip through ARAW's new report on Verizon's Broken Promises (PDF).
  • An alert reader pointed me to U1TV on YouTube - it's a channel dedicated to pro-labor video clips. Bravo to David Williams for putting these videos online, and for adding some great Billy Bragg songs to the soundtrack. Next up? I'd love to see some videos about how to deal with abusive bosses, how to contact and join a union, what a union is about, etc. Even better? I'd like to see some of these videos make their way into mass media TV shows.
  • A second round of bravos for David Williams are again in order for the recent launch of NoBusters, a site which exposes union-busting and leverages some of the videos on U1TV.
  • There's a great piece in Alternet this week about Young Workers United, a new labor group which seeks to protect young workers from workplace abuse. In These Times has also published an interesting look at the Change to Win labor federation, asking whether the split from AFL-CIO resulted in tangible results.
  • Last but certainly not least - some of you may remember my series of posts about an idea for an anti-union-busting blog aimed at employers and business owners. Well, we're all grown up now, with our own Google Group and everything. But we're still recruiting. So if you want to join an interesting project to help turn the tide against union busters, sign up! Just request to join the group (either in the comments or directly through the Google Groups interface) and I'll get you signed up.

Got anything else to share? Drop it in the comments!

Syndicate content